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Durham,  N.  C  October  20,  1942 

Statement  of  Purpose 

A  Basis  for  Inter-racial  Cooperation  and 
Development  in  the  South: 
A  Statement  by  Southern  Negroes 

—Sub-Committee  Report 

A  List  of  Those  Who  Attended  the  Conference 


Other  Comments  on  Conference  Statement 


Press  Comments 

P.  B.  YOUNG,  Chairman 

LUTHER  P.  JACKSON,  Secretary- Treasurer 

GORDON  B.  HANCOCK,  Director 

Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2014 

Statement  of  Purpose 



If  as  has  been  said,  there  are  some  hours  of  more 
than  sixty  minutes  and  some  minutes  of  more  than  sixty 
seconds,  surely  we  have  come  upon  such  a  great  moment 
in  the  history  of  our  race  and  nation.  It  is  a  moment 
of  great  possibilities  and  not  a  little  surcharged  with 
drama.  Many  things  have  been  spoken  for  him  and 
against  him,  to  him  and  about  him;  but  the  Southern  Ne- 
gro is  today  speaking  for  himself.  His  laudable  attempt 
should  be  a  source  of  pride  to  the  Negro  and  white  South, 
and  to  the  Negro  and  white  North,  East,  and  West.  Oft- 
times  the  little  we  do  for  ourselves  proves  more  meaning- 
ful than  the  great  things  others  do  for  us.  however  praise- 
worthy what  others  do,  may  be. 

The  Inception  Of  The  Conference 

The  inception  of  this  conference  hinges  about  the  tragedy  that 
took  place  at  the  close  of  World  War  I,  when  returning  Negro  sol- 
diers were  met  not  with  expressions  and  evidences  of  the  democracy 
for  which  they  had  fought  and  for  which  thousands  of  their  fellow 
race-men  had  died.  Instead  there  was  a  sweeping  surge  of  bitter- 
ness and  rebuff  that  in  retrospect  constitutes  one  of  the  ugliest 
scars  on  the  fair  face  of  our  nation.  Interracial  matters  were  left 
adrift  and  tragic  was  our  experience  and  distressing  was  our  dis- 
illusionment. Today  the  nations  are  locked  in  mortal  combat  and 
the  situation  is  desperate  and  dangerous,  with  the  scales  of  fortune 
so  delicately  poised  that  we  dare  not  predict  what  a  day  may  bring 
forth;  but  this  we  know,  that  the  Negro  is  again  taking  the  field  in 
defense  of  his  nation.  Quite  significant  also  is  the  fact  that  where- 
as the  pronounced  anti-Negro  movement  followed  the  last  war,  it 
is  getting  under  way  even  before  the  issues  of  war  have  been  de- 
cided. In  an  hour  of  national  peril,  efforts  are  being  made  to  defeat 
the  Negro  first  and  the  Axis  powers  later.  Already  the  dire  threat 
to  throw  again  the  Negro  question  into  the  politics  of  the  South  is 
becoming  more  and  more  dangerous.  This  is  a  direct  challenge 
to  the  Negroes  of  the  South,  who  have  most  to  gain  if  this  threat 
is  throttled  and  most  to  lose  if  it  is  fulfilled. 

The  Purpose  Of  The  Conference 

The  purpose  then  of  this  conference  is  to  try  to  do  something 
about  this  developing  situation.  We  are  proposing  to  set  forth  in 
certain  "Articles  of  Cooperation"  just  what  the  Negro  wants  and  is 
expecting  of  the  post-war  South  and  nation.   Instead  of  letting  the 

demagogues  guess  what  we  want,  we  are  proposing  to  make  our 
wants  and  aspirations  a  matter  of  record,  so  clear  that  he  who  runs 
may  read.  We  are  hoping  in  this  way  to  challenge  the  constructive 
cooperation  of  that  element  of  the  white  South  who  express  them- 
selves as  desirous  of  a  New  Deal  for  the  Negroes  of  the  South. 

In  our  Articles  of  Cooperation  we  are  seeking  for  a  common 
denominator  of  constructive  actions  for  Negroes  and  this  group 
of  whites  who  are  doing  many  of  the  things  we  want  done,  and 
cannot  do  ourselves.  In  other  words  we  are  proposing  to  draft  a 
New  Charter  of  Race  Relations  in  the  South.  The  old  charter  is 
paternalistic  and  traditional;  we  want  a  new  Charter  that  is  fra- 
ternalistic  and  scientific;  for  the  old  charter  is  not  compatible  with 
the  manhood  and  security  of  the  Negro,  neither  is  it  compatible 
with  the  dignity  and  self-respect  of  the  South.  It  ever  leaves  the 
South  morally  on  the  defensive!  The  Negro  has  paid  the  full  price 
of  citizenship  in  the  South  and  nation,  and  the  Negro  wants  to  en- 
joy the  full  exercise  of  this  citizenship,  no  more  and  no  less. 

No  Cleavage  Desired 

The  purpose  of  this  conference  then  is  not  secessionist.  We 
of  the  South  know  full  well  that  any  attempt  of  the  Southern  Negro 
to  secede  from  Negroes  of  other  regions  will  be  even  more  fatal  and 
abortive  than  the  attempt  in  the  1860's.  Our  major  objective  is 
accession  not  secession.  This  conference  is  not  isolationist. 
Science,  religion  and  education  have  doomed  isolation  and  isolation- 
ism forever.  If  the  Nations  separated  by  the  seven  seas  cannot 
be  isolated  how  much  less  can  the  Negroes  of  the  South.  We  know 
that  the  Negro  question  of  the  South  is  a  part  of  the  great  question 
throughout  the  nation  and  world.  We  know  that  before  the  ques- 
tion is  settled  anywhere  it  must  be  settled  everywhere.  But  we  also 
know  that  constitutional  ailments  may  often  be  helped  by  local 
measures.  This  conference  is  not  seditionist.  We  are  not  meet- 
ing clandestinely  in  bundist  fashion;  but  rather  as  citizens  of  the 
South  and  nation  and  well  within  our  Constitutional  rights  and 
prerogatives.  We  therfeore  need  not  cringe  and  crawl,  tremble  or 
truckle  or  even  tip-toe,  as  we  deliberate  on  a  possible  way  to  relieve 
a  pressure  that  is  already  becoming  critical. 

Task  Delicate,  But  Not  Impossible 

To  be  sure,  our  task  is  a  delicate  one,  but  delicate  tasks  are 
never  impossible,  if  performed  by  men  who  are  not  themselves 
delicate  in  spirit.  More  often  the  firm  handling  of  delicate  issues 
proves  the  wiser  course.  The  matter  handled  in  Panuel  Hall  was 
delicate,  but  it  was  firmly  handled  and  the  world  thereby  was  bless- 
ed. So  in  this  historic  meeting  today,  whatever  advance  step  we 
may  make  in  race  relations  will  rebound  to  the  advantage  of  the 
South  and  nation  no  less  than  to  the  advancement  of  the  Negro 
race.  Let  us  bear  ever  in  mind  that  the  soul  of  the  South  and 
nation  are  at  stake  no  less  than  the  fortunes  of  the  Negro  race. 
The  greater  tragedy  of  critical  situations  lies  not  in  the  impair- 
ment of  circumstances  and  fortunes,  but  of  spirits.  Should  our 
just  demands  be  denied  by  the  white  South,  we  can  still  appeal  to 


the  conscience  of  the  nation;  and  failing  here,  we  can  appeal  to 
the  Supreme  Court  of  History,  before  the  Great  White  Throne  of 
the  Future.  Oppressed  groups  of  whatever  persuasion  have  always 
the  assurance  that  in  their  struggles  for  deliverance  they  have 
Time  and  Right  and  God  on  their  side.  As  we  enter  upon  our 
deliberations  let  us  remember  that  not  only  is  our  manhood  being 
weighed  in  the  balance,  but  our  statesmanship  also. 

The  sponsors  of  this  conference  may  not  have  fashioned  the 
most  well-wrought  conference  imaginable,  but  what  they  did  was 
at  a  tremendous  sacrifice;  for  none  of  them  had  the  time  and  means 
to  give  as  the  cause  demanded;  but  they  did  the  best  they  could. 
We  have  brought  to  you  a  conference  that  is  absolutely  unfettered 
and  unintimidated.  There  are  no  secret  commitments,  no  secret 
understanding,  no  dotted  lines,  no  secret  financial  underwritings. 
May  God  help  us  on  this  historic  occasion  to  quit  ourselves  like 


A  Basis  for  Inter-Racial  Cooperation 
and  Development  in  the  South 

A  Statement  by  Southern  Negroes 

—Issued  December  \5th,  1942,  by  a  Sub-Committee 
of  the  Southern  Conference  on  Race  Relations 

The  war  has  sharpened  the  issue  of  Negrowhite  re- 
lations in  the  United  States,  and  particularly  in  the 
South.  A  result  has  been  increased  racial  tensions,  fears, 
and  aggressions,  and  an  opening  up  of  the  basic  ques- 
tions of  racial  segregation  and  discrimination,  Negro  mi- 
nority rights,  and  democratic  freedom,  as  they  apply 
practically  in  Negro-white  relations  in  the  South.  These 
issues  are  acute  and  threaten  to  become  even  more  se- 
rious as  they  increasingly  block,  through  the  deeper 
fears  aroused,  common  sense  consideration  for  even  ele- 
mentary improvements  in  Negro  status,  and  the  welfare 
of  the  country  as  a  whole. 

With  these  problems  in  mind,  we,  a  group  of  south- 
ern Negroes,  realizing  that  the  situation  calls  for  both 
candor  and  wisdom,  and  in  the  belief  that  we  voice  the 
sentiments  of  many  of  the  Negroes  of  the  Nation  as  well 
as  the  South,  take  this  means  of  recording  our  considered 
views  of  the  issues  before  us. 

(1)  Our  Nation  is  engaged  in  a  world-wide  struggle,  the  success 
of  which,  both  in  arms  and  ideals,  is  paramount  and  de- 
mands our  first  loyalty. 


(2)  Our  loyalty  does  not,  in  our  view,  preclude  consideration 
now  of  problems  and  situations  that  handicap  the  working 
out  of  internal  improvements  in  race  relations  essential  to 
our  full  contribution  to  the  war  effort,  and  of  the  inevitable 
problems  of  post-war  reconstruction,  especially  in  the  South 
where  we  reside. 

(3)  The  South,  with  its  twenty-five  million  people,  one-third 
of  whom  are  Negroes,  presents  a  unique  situation,  not  only 
because  of  the  size  of  the  Negro  population  but  because  of 
the  legal  and  customary  patterns  of  race  relations  which 
are  invariably  and  universally  associated  with  racial  dis- 
criminations. We  recognize  the  strength  and  age  of  these 

We  are  fundamentally  opposed  to  the  principle  and  prac- 
tice of  compulsory  segregation  in  our  American  society, 
whether  of  races  or  classes  or  creeds,  however,  we  regard 
it  as  both  sensible  and  timely  to  address  ourselves  now  to 
the  current  problems  of  racial  discrimination  and  neglect 
and  to  ways  in  which  we  may  cooperate  in  the  advance- 
ment of  programs  aimed  at  the  sound  improvement  of  race 
relations  within  the  democratic  framework. 

(4)  We  regard  it  as  unfortunate  that  the  simple  efforts  to  cor- 
rect obvious  social  and  economic  injustices  continue,  with 
such  considerable  popular  support,  to  be  interpreted  as  the 
predatory  ambition  of  irresponsible  Negroes  to  invade  the 
privacy  of  family  life. 

(5)  We  have  the  courage  and  faith  to  believe,  however,  that  it 
is  possible  to  evolve  in  the  South  a  way  of  life,  consistent 
with  the  principles  for  which  we  as  a  Nation  are  fighting 
throughout  the  world,  that  will  free  us  all,  white  and  Ne- 
gro alike,  from  want,  and  from  throttling  fears. 


1.  We  regard  the  ballot  as  a  safeguard  of  democracy.  Any 
discrimination  against  citizens  in  the  exercise  of  the  voting  privi- 
lege, on  account  of  race  or  poverty,  is  detrimental  to  the  freedom 
of  these  citizens  and  to  the  integrity  of  the  State.  We  therefore 
record  ourselves  as  urging  now: 

a.  The  abolition  of  the  poll  tax  as  a  prerequisite  to  voting. 

b.  The  abolition  of  the  white  primary. 

c.  The  abolition  of  all  forms  of  discriminatory  practices,  evas- 
ions of  the  law,  and  intimidations  of  citizens  seeking  to  exer- 
cise their  right  of  franchise. 

2.  Exclusion  of  Negroes  from  jury  service  because  of  race  has 
been  repeatedly  declared  unconstitutional.  This  practice  we  believe 
can  and  should  be  discontinued  now. 

3.  a.  Civil  rights  include  personal  security  against  abuses  of 
police  power  by  white  officers  of  the  law.  These  abuses,  which  in- 
clude wanton  killings,  and  almost  routine  beatings  of  Negroes, 
whether  they  be  guilty  or  innocent  of  an  offense,  should  be  stopped 
now,  not  only  out  of  regard  for  the  safety  of  Negroes,  but  of  com- 
mon respect  for  the  dignity  and  fundamental  purpose  of  the  law. 

b.  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  group  that  the  employment  of  Ne- 


gro  police  will  enlist  the  full  support  of  Negro  citizens  in  control  of 
lawless  elements  of  their  own  group. 

4.  In  the  public  carriers  and  terminals,  where  segregation  of  the 
races  is  currently  made  mandatory  by  law  as  well  as  by  established 
custom,  it  is  the  duty  of  Negro  and  white  citizens  to  insist  that 
these  provisions  be  equal  in  kind  and  quality  and  in  character  of 

5.  Although  there  has  been,  over  the  years,  a  decline  in  lynch- 
ings,  the  practice  is  still  current  in  some  areas  of  the  South,  and 
substantially,  even  if  indirectly,  defended  by  resistance  to  Federal 
legislation  designed  to  discourage  the  practice.  We  ask  that  the 
States  discourage  this  fascistic  expression  by  effective  enforcement 
of  present  or  of  new  laws  against  this  crime  by  apprehending  and 
punishing  parties  participating  in  this  lawlessness. 

If  the  States  are  unable,  or  unwilling  to  do  this,  we  urge  the  sup- 
port of  all  American  citizens  who  believe  in  law  and  order  in  secur- 
ing Federal  legislation  against  lynching. 

6.  The  interests  and  securities  of  Negroes  are  involved  directly 
in  many  programs  of  social  planning  and  administration;  in  the 
emergency  rationing,  wage  and  rent  control  programs.  We  urge  the  use 
of  qualified  Negroes  on  these  boards,  both  as  a  means  of  intelligent 
representation  and  a  realistic  aid  to  the  functioning  of  these  bodies. 


Continuing  opposition  to  the  employment  of  Negroes  in  certain 
industries  appears  to  proceed  from  (1)  the  outdated  notions  of  an 
economy  of  scarcity,  inherited  from  an  industrial  age  when  participa- 
tion in  the  productive  enterprises  was  a  highly  competitive  privilege; 

(2)  the  effects  of  enemy  propaganda  designed  to  immobilize  a  large 
number  of  potentially  productive  workers  in  the  American  war  effort; 

(3)  the  age-old  prejudices  from  an  era  when  the  economic  system 
required  a  labor  surplus  which  competed  bitterly  within  its  own 
ranks  for  the  privilege  of  work;  (4)  the  established  custom  of  re- 
serving technical  processes  to  certain  racial  groups;  and  (5)  craft 
monopolies  which  have  restricted  many  technical  skills  to  a  few 

Our  collective  judgment  regarding  industrial  opportunities  for 
Negroes  may  be  summarized  as  follows: 

1.  The  only  tenable  basis  of  economic  survival  and  development 
for  Negroes  is  inclusion  in  unskilled,  semi-skilled  and  skilled 
branches  of  work  in  the  industries  or  occupations  of  the  region 
to  the  extent  that  they  are  equally  capable.  Circumstances 
will  vary  so  as  to  make  impossible  and  impracticable  any  ex- 
act numerical  balance,  but  the  principles  enunciated  by  the 
President's  Fair  Employment  Practices  Committee  are  re- 
garded by  us  as  sound  and  economically  essential. 

2.  There  should  be  the  same  pay  for  the  same  work. 

3.  Negro  workers  should  seek  opportunities  for  collective  bar- 
gaining and  security  through  membership  in  labor  organiza- 
tions. Since  there  can  be  no  security  for  white  workers  if 
Negroes  are  unorganized  and  vice  versa,  labor  unions  of  white 
workers  should  seek  the  organization  of  Negro  workers,  on  a 
fair  and  equal  basis. 

4.  We  deplore  the  practice  of  those  labor  unions  which  bar 


Negroes  from  membership,  or  otherwise  discriminate  against 
them,  since  such  unions  are  working  against  the  best  interest  of 
the  labor  movement.  We  hold  that  only  those  labor  unions 
which  admit  Negroes  to  membership  and  participation  on  a 
fair  and  democratic  basis  should  be  eligible  for  the  benefits  of 
the  National  Labor  Relations  Board,  Railway  Labor  Act,  State 
Labor  Relations  Acts  and  other  protective  labor  legislation. 

5.  It  is  the  duty  of  local,  state  and  federal  agencies  to  insist  upon 
and  enforce  provisions  for  the  industrial  training  of  Negroes 
equal  in  quality  and  kind  with  that  of  other  citizens.  We  be- 
lieve, further,  that  Negroes  should  have  equal  opportunity  in 
training  programs  carried  on  by  industries  and  by  labor  or- 

6.  We  urge  Negro  representation  on  regional  organizations  con- 
cerned with  the  welfare  of  workers. 

7.  We  regard  the  wage-and-job-freezing  order  of  the  War  Man- 
power Commission  as  holding  the  seeds  of  a  distinct  disad- 
vantage to  Negroes  and  other  marginal  workers.  Most  of 
these  workers  are  now  employed  in  the  lowest-income  job 
brackets.  The  "freeze"  order  can  remove  the  opportunity  for 
economic  advancement.  There  is  as  yet  no  assurance  that 
under  existing  circumstances  the  War  Manpower  Commission 
can  deal  more  equitably  by  the  Negro  in  the  future  than  it 
has  in  the  past. 

8.  We  are  convinced  that  the  South's  economic  and  cultural  de- 
velopment can  be  accelerated  by  increasing  the  purchasing 
power  and  skills  of  Negro  workers. 


Any  realistic  estimate  of  the  occupational  situation  of  Negroes 
supports  the  view  that  Negroes  will  be  employed  in  greatest  propor- 
tions for  a  long  time  in  service  occupations.  We  see,  however,  possi- 
bilities of  making  of  these  fields  scientifically  guided  areas  in 
which  training  and  organization  will  play  a  greater  part  in  bring- 
ing about  results  mutually  beneficial  to  employer  and  employee. 
We  believe  that  greater  service  will  be  rendered  and  greater  good 
will  be  engendered  in  the  service  fields  if  the  following  principles 
are  observed: 

1.  More  thorough  training  should  be  provided  workers  who  plan 
to  enter  the  service  field,  but  the  reward  of  the  job  and  treat- 
ment on  the  job  should  be  such  as  to  make  the  workers  feel 
that  their  training  is  justified.  Opportunity  should  be  given 
the  service  worker  to  advance  through  the  opening  up  of  ad- 
ditional opportunities. 

2.  A  wholesome  environment,  living  accommodations,  food, 
uniforms  and  rest  rooms,  all  of  an  approved  standard,  should 
be  provided  service  workers. 

3.  Opportunity  should  be  given  the  service  worker  to  live,  after 
his  stipulated  hours  of  work,  as  an  individual  undisturbed  in 
his  private  life  by  the  whims  and  caprices  of  his  employers. 

4.  In  view  of  the  strides  made  by  labor  in  general,  while  the 
service  worker's  lot   has   remained   about  the.  same,  service 


workers  should  be  organized  into  unions  with  recognized  af- 

5.   Service  workers  should  be  included  in  the  provisions  for  old 
age  insurance,  unemployment  compensation,  workmen's  com- 
pensation, the  wage  and  hour  act,  and  other  benefits  of  So- 
cial Security  legally  provided  to  workers  of  other  categories 
We  believe  that  these  provisions  will  help  to  insure  some  intelli- 
gent service  and  wholesome  loyalty  (which  will  improve  both  the 
quality  of  labor  and  personal  relations)  in  service  occupations. 


As  equal  opportunity  for  all  citizens  is  the  very  foundation  of 
the  democratic  faith,  and  of  the  Christian  ethic  which  gave  birth  to 
the  ideal  of  democratic  living,  it  is  imperative  that  every  measure 
possible  be  taken  to  insure  an  equality  of  education  to  Negroes,  and, 
indeed  to  all  underprivileged  peoples. 

1.  Basic  to  improvement  in  Negro  education  is  better  schools, 
which  involves  expenditures  by  States  of  considerably  more  funds 
for  the  Negro  schools.  This  group  believes  that  a  minimum  re- 
quirement now  is  (a)  equalization  of  salaries  of  white  and  Negro 
teachers  on  the  basis  of  equal  preparation  and  experience;  (b)  an 
expanded  school  building  program  for  Negro  schools  designed  to 
overcome  the  present  racial  disparity  in  physical  facilities;  this 
program  to  begin  as  soon  as  building  materials  are  available;  (c) 
revision  of  the  school  program  in  terms  of  the  social  setting,  voca- 
tional needs  and  marginal  cultural  characteristics  of  the  Negro 
children;  and  (d)  the  same  length  of  school  term  for  all  children 
in  local  communities.  Our  growing  knowledge  of  the  effect  of  en- 
vironment upon  the  intelligence  and  social  adjustment  of  children, 
in  fact  leads  us  to  believe  that  to  insure  equality  of  educational 
opportunity  it  is  not  enough  to  provide  for  the  under -privileged 
child,  of  whatever  race,  the  same  opportunities  provided  for  those 
on  superior  levels  of  familial,  social,  and  economic  life.  We  feel 
it  a  function  of  Government  to  assure  equalization  far  beyond  the 
mere  expenditure  of  equivalent  funds  for  salaries  and  the  like. 

2.  The  education  of  Negroes  In  the  South  has  reached  the 
point  at  which  there  is  increased  demand  for  graduate  and  pro- 
fessional training.  This  group  believes  that  this  training  should  be 
made  available  equally  for  white  and  Negro  eligible  students  in 
terms  defined  by  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  in  the  decision 
on  the  case  of  Gaines  versus  the  University  of  Missouri. 

3.  Where  it  is  established  that  States  cannot  sustain  the  added 
cost  of  equalization,  Federal  funds  should  be  made  available  to 
overcome  the  differentials  between  white  and  Negro  facilities  and 
between  southern  and  national  standards. 

4.  It  is  the  belief  of  this  group  that  the  special  problems  of 
Negro  education  make  demands  for  intelligent  and  sympathetic 
representation  of  these  problems  on  school  boards  by  qualified  per- 
sons of  the  Negro  race. 

♦In  the  present  hysteria  of  many  housewives  who  are  losing  poorly  paid 
servants  to  better  paying  war  industries,  it  seems  desirable  to  emphasize 
that  this  proposal  bears  no  relation  to  the  fantastic  and  probably  Axis 
inspired  rumors  of  so-called  "Eleanor  Clubs." 


5.  The  education  of  Negro  youth  can  be  measurably  aided  by 
the  use  of  Negro  enforcement  officers  of  truancy  and  compulsory 
education  laws. 


The  South  is  the  most  rural  section  of  the  Nation,  and  Negroes, 
who  constitute  33  per  cent  of  its  population,  are  responsible  for  an 
important  share  of  the  agricultural  production  on  southern  farms. 

We  recognize  that  the  South  is  economically  handicapped  and 
that  many  of  its  disabilities  are  deeply  rooted  in  agricultural  mal- 
adjustments. To  win  the  war,  there  is  need  for  increased  produc- 
tion of  food,  fibre  and  fats.  In  the  present  organization  of  agricul- 
ture, Negroes  are  a  large  part  of  the  sharecropper  and  tenant  group 
and  a  great  majority  of  the  rural  Negro  workers  are  in  this  class. 
Circumstances  deny  the  Negro  farmer  sufficient  opportunity  to 
make  his  full  contribution  as  a  citizen.  We  suggest  the  following 
measures  as  means  of  increasing  the  production  of  the  area,  raising 
the  status  and  spirits  of  Negro  farmers,  and  of  improving  the  re- 
gion's contribution  to  the  total  war  effort. 

1.  Establishment  of  sufficient  safeguards  in  the  system  of  ten- 
ancy to  promote  the  development  of  land  and  home  owner- 
ship and  more  security  on  the  land,  by: 

a.  Written  contracts 

b.  Longer  lease  terms 

c.  Higher  farm  wages  for  day  laborers 

d.  Balanced  farm  programs,  including  food  and  feed 
crops  for  present  tenants  and  day  laborers. 

2.  Adequate  Federal  assistance  to  Negro  farmers  should  be  pro- 
vided on  an  equitable  basis.  The  war  effort  can  be  materially 
aided  if  adequate  provisions  are  made  now  for  the  interpre- 
tation of  governmental  policies  to  rural  Negroes. 

3.  The  equitable  distribution  of  funds  for  teaching  agriculture 
in  the  Negro  land  grant  colleges  to  provide  agricultural  re- 
search and  experimentation  for  Negro  farmers. 

4.  The  appointment  of  qualified  Negroes  to  governmental  plan- 
ning and  policy  making  bodies  concerned  with  the  common 
farmer,  and  the  membership  of  Negro  farmers  in  general 
farmers'  organizations  and  economic  cooperatives,  to  provide 
appropriate  representation  and  to  secure  maximum  benefit* 
to  our  common  wealth. 


We  recognize  and  welcome  the  obligation  of  every  citizen  to 
share  in  the  military  defense  of  the  nation  and  we  seek,  along  with 
the  privilege  of  offering  our  lives,  the  opportunity  of  other  citizens 
of  full  participation  in  all  branches  of  the  military  service,  and  of 
advancement  in  responsibility  and  rank  according  to  ability. 

Negro  soldiers,  in  line  of  military  duty  and  in  training  in  the 
South,  encounter  particularly  acute  racial  problems  in  transporta- 
tion and  in  recreation  and  leave  areas.  They  are  frequently  mis- 
treated by  the  police.  We  regard  these  problems  as  unnecessary  and 
destructive  to  morale. 



1.  We  believe  that  some  of  the  more  acute  problems  of  Negro 
health,  family  and  personal  disorganization  are  a  reflection  of  de- 
ficiencies in  economic  opportunity,  but  that  social  and  health  serv- 
ices for  Negroes  will  continue  to  be  necessary  in  considerable  a- 
mounts  even  with  improvement,  of  their  economic  status  As  a 
means  of  reducing  the  mortality  and  public  contagion  resulting 
from  inadequacies  of  medical  attention  and  health  knowledge,  this 
group  believes  that  minimum  health  measures  for  Ngroes  would 
include  the  following: 

a.  Mandatory  provisions  that  a  proportion  of  the  fa- 
cilities in  all  public  hospitals  be  available  for  Ne- 
gro patients; 

b.  That  Negro  doctors  be  either  included  on  the  staff 
for  services  to  Negro  patients,  according  to  their 
special  qualifications,  or  permitted  as  practitioners 
the  same  privilege  and  courtesy  as  other  practi- 
tioners in  the  public  hospitals; 

c.  That  Negro  public  health  nurses  and  social  work- 
ers be  more  extensively  used  in  both  public  and 
private  organizations. 

2.  We  advocate  the  extension  of  slum  clearance  and  erection  of 
low-cost  housing  as  a  general  as  well  as  special  group  advantage 
The  Federal  government  has  set  an  excellent  precedent  here  with 
results  that  offer  much  promise  for  the  future. 

It  is  a  wicked  notion  that  the  struggle  of  the  Negro  for  citizen- 
ship is  a  struggle  against  the  best  interests  of  the  Nation.  To  urge 
such  a  doctrine,  as  many  are  doing,  is  to  preach  disunity  and  to 
deny  the  most  elementary  principles  of  American  life  and  govern- 

The  effect  of  the  war  has  been  to  make  the  Negro,  in  a  sense,  the 
symbol  and  protagonist  of  every  other  minority  in  America  and  in 
the  world  at  large.  Local  issues  in  the  South,  while  admittedly 
holding  many  practical  difficulties,  must  be  met  wisely  and  cou- 
rageously if  this  Nation  is  to  become  a  significant  political  entity 
in  a  new  international  world.  The  correction  of  these  problems  is 
not  only  a  moral  matter,  but  a  practical  necessity  in  winning  the 
war  and  in  winning  the  peace.  Herein  rests  the  chance  to  reveal 
our  greatest  weakness  or  our  greatest  strength. 




Chairman  Sub -Editorial 



P.  B.  YOUNG 
Conference  Chairman 


In  Attendance  at  Southern  Race 
Relations  Conference 

A  complete  list  of  those  attending  the  Southern  Conference  on 
Race  Relations  held  at  the  North  Carolina  College  for  Negroes,  Dur- 
ham, October  20th,  is  as  follows: 

DR.  CHAS.  S.  JOHNSON,  Director.  De- 
partment of  Social  Sciences,  Fisk  Univer- 
sity, Nashville,  Tenn. 

DEAN  R.  O'HARA  LANIER,  Hampton 
Institute,  Hampton,  Va. 

DR.  H.  L.  McCROREY,  President,  John- 
son C.  Smith  University,  Charlotte,  N  C. 

DR.  L.  F.  PALMER,  Executive  Secre- 
tary, Virginia  State  Teachers  Association, 
Newport  News,  Va. 

O.  M.  PHARR,  Principal,  Unity  High 
School,  South  Carolina. 

REV.  J.  A.  VALENTINE,  D.D.,  Durham, 
N.  C. 

DR.  GORDON  B.  HANCOCK,  Depart- 
ment of  Sociology,  Virginia  Union  Uni- 
versity, Richmond,  Va. 

DEAN  MOSES  S.  BELTON,  Johnson  C. 
Smith  University,  Charlotte,  N.  C. 

WILLIAM  M.  COOPER,  Director  of  Ex- 
tension Work,  Hampton  Institute,  Va. 

ASBURY  HOWARD,  representing  Mine, 
Mill  and  Smelter  Workers  (CIO),  Bes- 
semer, Ala. 

DR.  JOHN  M.  GANDY,  President-Emeri- 
tus, Virginia  State  College,  Petersburg,  Va. 

L.  H.  FOSTER,  Treasurer-Business  Man- 
ager, and  Acting  President.  Virginia  State 
College,  Petersburg,  Va. 

PRESIDENT  J.  B.  WATSON,  A.  and  M. 
College,  Pine  Bluff,  Ark. 

CLARENCE  A.  LAWS,  Executive  Secre- 
tary, New  Orleans  Urban  League,  New  Or- 
leans, La. 

DON  A.  DAVIS,  Comptroller,  Hampton 
Institute,  Chairman  Executive  Committee, 
National  Negro  Business  League,  Hampton, 
Va.  ; 

REV.  H.  B.  BULTER,  President,  Baptist 
State  Convention,  Hartsville,  S.  C. 

PROF.  J.  B.  BLANTON,  Principal,  Voor- 
hees  N.  and  I,  School,  Denmark,  S.  C. 

WILLIAM  Y.  BELL,  Executive  Secretary, 
Atlanta  Urban  League,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

J.  A.  BACOATS,  Vice  President,  Bene- 
dict College,  Columbia,  S.  C. 

MRS.  R.  E.  CLAY,  Bristol,  Tenn. 

tor, School  of  Social  Work,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

JESSE  O.  THOMAS,  Staff  Assistant, 
War  Bonds  and  Stamps,  Washington,  D.  C. 

JAMES  T.  TAYLOR,  Dean  of  Men, 
North  Carolina  College,  Durham,  N.  C. 

DR.  AND  MRS.  J.  G.  STUART,  Colum- 
bia, S.  C. 

ROBERT  A.  SPICELY,  Director,  Com- 
mercial Dietetics,  Tuskegee  Institute,  Ala. 

C.  C.  SPAULDING,  President,  North 
Carolina  Mutual  Life  Insurance  Co.,  and 
Mechanics  and  Farmers  Bank,  Durham,  N. 

Worker,  Columbia,  S.  C. 

DR.  JAMES  E.  SHEPARD,  President, 
North  Carolina  College,  Durham,  N.  C. 

REV.  J.  ALVIN  RUSSELL,  D.D.,  Pres- 
ident, St.  Paul's  Polytechnic  Institute, 
Lawrenceville,  Va. 

G.  D.  ROGERS,  President,  Central  Life 
Insurance  Company,  Tampa,  Fla. 

DR.  F.  D.  PATTERSON,  President,  Tus- 
kegee Institute,  Tuskegee  Institute,  Ala. 

ROSCOE  C.  MITCHELL,  Associated  Ne- 
gro Press  Representative,  Richmond.  Va. 

JOHN  W.  MITCHELL,  State  Agent,  A. 
and  T.  College,  Greensboro,  N.  C. 

DR.  BENJ.  E.  MAYS,  President,  More- 
house College,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

JAMES  G.  MARTIN,  JR.,  Business 
Agent  and  Financial  Secretary,  Carpenters' 
Local  No.  544,  Baltimore,  Md. 

DR.  HORACE  MANN  BOND.  President, 
Fort  Valley  State  College,  Fort  Valley,  Ga. 

Treasurer,  United  Transport  Service  Em- 
ployees of  America,  Member  International 
Executive  Board,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

DR.  AND  MRS.  D.  K.  JENKINS,  Co- 
lumbia, S.  C. 

DR.  LUTHER  P.  JACKSON,  Chairman 
of  the  Department  of  History,  Virginia 
State  College,  Petersburg,  Va. 

EDGAR  P.  HOLT,  Vice  President.  South- 
ern Negro  Youth  Congress,  Birmingham, 

WALTER  J.  HUGHES,  M.D.,  State 
Board  of  Health,  Raleigh,  N.  C. 

JAMES  E.  JACKSON,  Executive  Secre- 
tary, Southern  Negro  Youth  Congress, 
Birmingham,  Ala. 

J.  W.  HOLLY,  President,  Georgia  Nor- 
mal College,  Albany,  Ga. 

K.  W.  GREEN,  Dean,  State  A.  and  M. 
College,  Orangeburg,  S.  C. 

ERNEST  DELPIT,  President  and  Busi- 
ness Manager,  Carpenters'  Local,  New  Or- 
leans, La.   (A.  F.  of  L.) 

G.  HAMILTON  FRANCIS,  M.D.,  Speak- 
er House  of  Delegates,  National  Medical 
Association,  Norfolk,  Va. 

REV.  JOHN  E.  CULMER,  Rector.  Epis- 
copal Church,  Miami,  Fla. 

DR.  ROBERT  P.  DANIEL,  President, 
Shaw  University,  Raleigh.  N.  C. 

A.  B.  COOKE,  Business  Agent,  Local 
No.  815,  Carpenters,  Columbia,  S.  C. 

DR.  RUFUS  E.  CLEMENT,  President, 
Atlanta  University,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

D.  G.  GARLAND,  Representative,  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Labor,  Winston-Salem, 
N.  C. 

MAJ.  W.  M.  WHITEHEAD,  Principal 
School  for  the  Handicapped,  Newport 
News,  Va. 

D.  W.  BYRD,  M.D.,  Chairman.  Health 
Commission,  National  Medical  Association, 
Norfolk,  Va. 


C.  H.  BYNUM,  Field  Secretary,  Com- 
mission on  Interracial  Cooperation,  Dallas, 

President,  Palmer  Memorial  Institute,  Se- 
dalia,  N.  C. 

P.  B.  YOUNG,  Editor-Publisher,  Journal 
and  Guide,   Norfolk,  Va. 

EDWARD   MASON,    representing  Dining 
Car  Cooks  and  Waiters,  Houston,  Texas. 

C.  A.  SCOTT,  Publisher,  Atlanta  Daily 
World,  and  Scott  Chain  of  Weekly  News- 
papers, Atlanta,  Ga. 

CARTER  WESLEY,  Editor-Publisher, 
The  Informer,  Dallas  Express  and  New 
Orleans  Sentinel,  Houston,  Texas. 

MRS.  ZELLAR  R.  BOOTHE,  Oklahoma 
City,  Okla. 

DEAN  V.  E.  DANIEL,  Wiley  College, 
Marshall,  Texas. 

CLAUDE  A.  BARNETT,  Director,  Asso- 
ciated Negro  Press,  Chicago,  111. 

Others  who  sent  Telegrams  endorsing 
the  Conference  were: 

DR.  J.  R.  E.  LEE,  President,  Florida  A. 
and  M.  College,  Tallahassee,  Fla. 

ATTY.  J.  LEONARD  LEWIS,  Jackson- 
ville, Fla. 

ATTY.  J.  R.  BOOKER,  Little  Rock,  Ark. 

MRS.  ORA  BROWN  STOKES,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

PRESIDENT  H.  L.  TRIGG,  Elizabeth 
City  State  Teachers  College,  Elizabeth 
City,  N.  C. 

College,  Greensboro,  N.  C. 

MRS.  H.  L.  McCROREY,   Charlotte,  N. 


DR.  W.  A.  FOUNTAIN,  President,  Mor- 
ris Borwn  College,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

BISHOP  B.  J.  KING,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

University,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

PRESIDENT  W.  J.  HALE,  Tennessee  A. 
and  I.  College,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

DR.  MARY  BRANCH,  President,  Tillots- 
ton  College,  Austin,  Texas. 

DR.  L.  H.  BELL,  Mississippi  State  Col- 
lege, Alcorn,  Miss. 

WILEY  A.  HALL,  Executive  Secretary, 
Urban  League,  Richmond,  Va. 

DR.  J.  M.  ELLISON,  President,  Virginia 
Union  University,  Richmond,  Va. 

M.  F.  WHITAKER,  President,  South 
Carolina  State  College,  Orangeburg,  S.  C. 


Comments  on  the  Conference  Statement 

DR.  MORDECAI  W.  JOHNS.ON,  President  Howard  University, 
Washington,  D.  C. 
I  am  impressed  at  once  with  the  fact  that  the  statement  is  a 
judiciously  worded  address  from  southerners  to  southerners;  that  it 
includes  representatives  of  labor,  the  press  and  many  secular  or- 
ganizations, as  well  as  the  schools  and  the  churches;  and  that  the 
statement  is  designed  to  address  itself  to  matters  of  immediate 
concern  in  which  it  is  felt  that  substantial  progress  is  possible  now. 

*  *    *  * 

DR.  GUY  B.  JOHNSON,  Research  Professor,  University  of  North 

I  feel  that  this  is  a  remarkable  and  a  reasonable  statement  of 
aims  upon  which  all  intelligent  people  in  the  south  should  be  will- 
ing to  unite. 

*  *    *  * 

DR.  FLORENCE  M.  READ,  President,  Spelman  College,  Atlanta,  Ga. 
It  is  a  statement  that  I  think  should  have  wide  circulation. 

*  *    *  * 

DR.  W.  A.  FOUNTAIN,  President,  Morris  Brown  College,  Atlanta, 

There  is  a  great  need  for  our  taking  steps  to  bring  about  im- 
proved relations  between  the  races,  and  I  am  happy  to  have  the 
privilege  of  serving  in  whatever  capacity  I  can. 

*  *    #  * 

JUDGE  WILLIAM  H.  HASTIE,  Civilian  Aide  to  the  Secretary  of 
War;  Dean  Howard  University  Law  School. 
I  am  impressed  most  of  all  with  the  fact  that  your  detailed  and 


carefully  worked-out  statement  shows  the  fundamental  agreement 
of  Negroes  throughout  the  country  upon  the  next  steps  which 
must  be  taken  toward  complete  emancipation. 

*  *    *  * 

DR.  SAMUEL  C.  MITCHELL,  University  of  Richmond. 

That  is  a  statesmanlike  paper.  It  is  able,  candid  and  effective. 
It  should  mark  an  epoch  in  the  cause  of  good-will  between  the  races 
in  the  South. 

*  *    *  * 

CLAUDE  A.  BARNETT,  Director,  Associated  Negro  Press,  Chicago, 

I  am  profoundly  impressed  by  the  statement  which  has  been 
issued  by  the  Southern  Race  Relations  Conference.  It  is  forceful, 
sane,  practical  and  realistic. 

*  *    *  * 

DR.  BELLE  BOONE  BEARD,  Department  of  Economics  and  Soci- 
ology, Sweet  Briar  College. 
I  have  read  every  word  of  the  statement  with  the  greatest  in- 
terest and  want  to  congratulate  the  conference  upon  its  action. 

*  *    *  * 

LEWIS  L.  SCOTT,  Attorney-At-Law,  Columbia,  Tennessee. 

I  wish  to  congratulate  you  and  your  associates  on  the  very  fine 
effort  you  have  made  in  this  movement  to  bring  about  an  improve- 
ment in  the  much  discussed  race  question.  What  you  have  said 
will  not  only  contribute  to  the  war  effort  but  also  to  the  making 
of  a  just  peace. 

*  *    *  * 

CARTER  W.  WESLE*,  Editor-Publisher  The  Informer,  Houston, 
Austin  and  Beaumont,  Tex.,  Dallas  Express  and  New  Orleans 
Sentinel,  and  Port  Worth,  (Tex.)  Mind. 
I  think  the  conference  statement  is  a  historical  achievement  de- 
stined to  play  a  large  part  in  bringing  about  adjustments,  and  I  be- 
lieve it  is  a  charter  of  Negro  rights  which  all  Negroes  in  the  South 
can  adhere  to. 

*  *    ♦  * 

FURMAN  L.  TEMPLETON,  Racial  Relations  Adviser,  Office  of  Ci- 
vilian Defense,  3rd  Civilian  Defense  Area,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Although  it  was  not  my  privilege  to  attend  the  conference  in 
Durham,  everything  I  have  read  about  it  leads  me  to  believe  that  the 
work  initiated  there  gives  every  promise  of  developing  into  an  effec- 
tive force  for  good.  If  there  was  ever  a  time  when  the  country 
needed  a  clear-cut  intelligent  and  objective  statement  of  the  prob- 
lem of  race  relations,  that  time  is  now.  It  appears  to  me  that  the 
conference  findings  supply  that  need. 

*  *    *  * 

DR.  FRED  M.  ALEXANDER,  Supervisor  of  Negro  Education,  State 
Board  of  Education,  Richmond,  Virginia. 
I  have  read  this  pamphlet  with  great  interest  and  feel  that  you 
have  done  an  outstanding  job. 


WM.  E.  TAYLOR,  Dean,  School  of  Law,  Lincoln  University,  St.  Louis, 

The  suggestions,  proposals  and  recommendations  seem  to  me 
unusually  sound  and  forward  looking.  For  quite  a  while  now  I 
have  been  convinced  that  unless  some  of  the  sensible  leaders  of  our 
race  step  to  the  front  and  take  a  statesmanlike  stand  based  upon 
realities  and  conditions  as  they  exist  rather  than  the  Utophian  pos- 
sibilities of  which  we  dream  our  race  will  suffer  irreparable  injury 
before  the  close  of  the  present  conflict. 

*  *    *  * 

DR.  JACKSON  DAVIS,  General  Education  Board,  New  York. 

The  report  is  straightforward  and  factual  and  the  restraint  of 
its  phrases  carries  conviction.  It  reveals  an  understanding  of  the 
historical  background  of  Southern  life,  as  well  as  the  social  and 
economic  processes  through  which  the  desired  changes  must  be 
realized.  To  my  mind  it  is  one  of  the  most  constructive  steps  ever 
taken  for  better  race  relations  in  the  South.  I  hope  it  will  meet 
with  the  support  that  it  deserves. 

*  *    *  ♦ 

DR.  W.  E.  B.  DuBOIS,  Atlanta  University,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

The  planning  of  programs  to  guide  the  future  of  the  Negro  in 
America  has  not  been  in  vain.  On  the  whole  the  Durham  program 
is  a  pretty  good  document.  I  should  have  written  it  a  little  differ- 
ently myself,  but  I  would  not  be  unwilling  to  sign  it. 


Press  Comments 

Richmond  News-Leader 

With  at  least  75  per  cent  of  the  declaration,  every  reasonable 
white  man  probably  will  find  himself  in  complete  accord.  The  plea 
for  humanity  and  for  economic  justice,  which  is  the  basis  of  the 
statement,  is  the  one  that  will  produce  more  of  agreement  than  ever 
has  existed  between  races  in  the  South. 

•  •    *  * 

Newport  News  Daily  Press 

We  commend  to  both  whites  and  Negroes  for  careful  considera- 
tion the  Durham  manifesto.  It  contains  little  that  is  not  funda- 
mentally sound — things  which  American  citizens  have  a  right  to 

♦  •    •  ♦ 

Atlanta  Constitution 

It  will  be  unfortunate  if  the  South  does  not  discuss  calmly  and 
intelligently  the  basis  for  inter-racial  cooperation  advanced  recent- 
ly by  a  group  of  southern  Negroes. 

If  the  southern  Negro  leaders,  asking  for  the  cooperation  of 
the  majority  race,  do  not  receive  encouragement,  then  the  South 
will  have  failed  the  first  effort  by  southern  Negro  leadership  along 
realistic  lines. 


Atlanta  Daily  World 

We  commend  the  work  of  the  Conference.  It  is  the  result  of 
serious  study  by  able  and  yet  conservative  Negro  leaders,  whose 
sincerity  of  purpose  and  racial  earnestness  can  hardly  be  questioned. 

0         *         *  • 

Christian  Science  Monitor 

Above  the  clamor  of  current  racial  discussion  in  America,  a 
quiet,  reasoned  voice  is  now  heard  in  behalf  of  interracial  coopera- 
tion in  the  South,  through  a  statement  by  the  committee  speaking 
for  the  recently  founded  Southern  Conference  on  Race  Relations. 

Advancement  in  responsibility  and  rank  in  military  service  ac- 
cording to  ability;  equal  salaries  for  Negro  and  white  teachers  on 
the  basis  of  preparation  and  experience;  additional  education  facili- 
ties; inclusion  of  Negro  doctors  on  public  hospital  staffs  to  treat 
Negro  patients;  organization  of  Negro  service  workers  into  unions 
with  recognized  affiliations;  abolition  of  the  poll  tax;  effective  en- 
forcement of  anti-lynch  laws — these  and  other  proposals  seem  to 
furnish  a  reasonable  basis  for  consideration  and  action. 

*  *    *  * 

Norfolk  Virginian-Pilot 

Out  of  the  Southern  Conference  on  Race  Relations  that  was 
held  at  Durham  on  October  20  has  come  a  manifesto  of  historic 
importance.  It  is  offered,  on  behalf  of  this  conference  by  a  draft- 
ing committee  representative  of  the  South's  most  responsible  Negro 
leadership  as  a  'basis  for  interracial  cooperation"  with  especial 
reference  to  the  problems  this  cooperation  presents  in  the  South- 
ern States.  Its  publication  yesterday  supersedes,  as  a  declaration 
of  principles  and  objectives  in  this  field,  the  many  diverse  state- 
ments, Negro  in  authorship,  by  means  of  which  the  country  has 
been  made  aware  of  the  dimensions  this  problem  has  assumed  dur- 
ing the  last  two  years  of  war  and  preparations  for  war. 

Almost  without  exception,  the  remedial,  corrective  and  protec- 
tive reforms  that  the  present  manifesto  indorses,  are  reforms  gen- 
erally acknowledged  as  just  in  principle,  or  validated  by  our  highest 
court,  or  actually  in  incipient  application. 

*  *    *  • 

Norfolk  Ledger-Dispatch 

There  has  come  to  the  Ledger-Dispatch,  along  with  many  other 
newspapers,  a  report  entitled  A  Basis  for  Inter-Racial  Cooperation 
and  Development  in  the  South:  a  Statement  by  Southern  Negroes. 
If  our  colleagues  of  the  Southern  press  are  affected  by  it  as  we  are, 
they  are  profoundly  disquieted. 

For  this  report,  let  it  be  noted,  is  prepared  by  Southern  Negroes, 
not  by  Northern  Negroes  ...  The  Ledger-Dispatch  knows  some  of 
the  men  who  prepared  or  collaborated  on  the  preparation  of  this 
report,  knows  them  to  be  men  of  quiet  ability  and  of  a  natural  con- 
servatism, and  it  has  no  doubt  that  many  of  its  colleagues  knows  a 
number  of  others. 

It  deserves,  if  it  does  not  demand,  reflection  and  study  on  the 
part  of  the  White  South — far  more  of  both  than  is  possible  in  an 
hour  or  two.